In 1990, a stronger Washington State crosswalk law changed
motorists' obligation to pedestrians who are attempting to cross
at legal crosswalk sites. Previously, the law required motorists
to yield to pedestrians. The new law requires motorists to stop
for pedestrians attempting to cross at a crosswalk. With the new
law, Seattle launched a public information campaign on pedestrian
safety and established a new policy for enforcement of the
strengthened pedestrian law.
These events set the stage for research on the effect of a
safety campaign and increased enforcement on motorist compliance
with crosswalk laws. Researchers John W. Britt and Abraham B.
Bergman of Harborview Injury Prevention and Research Center in
Seattle and John Moffat of the Traffic Safety Commission in
Olympia, Washington engaged the cooperative efforts of Harborview
and the Seattle Police Department in pursuing this research.
They published the results of their evaluation of Seattle's
efforts in Transportation Research Record 1485 (1995). The title
of their report was "Law Enforcement, Pedestrian Safety, and
Driver Compliance with Crosswalk Laws: Evaluation of a Four-Year
Campaign in Seattle." A summary of their report follows.
BACKGROUND
U.S. statistics for 1993 reported 5,500 pedestrian deaths
and thousands of injuries from pedestrian-motor vehicle
collisions. Although increased law enforcement is frequently
recommended to make the streets safer for pedestrians, these
authors found little information on the effect of law enforcement
on motorists' compliance with pedestrian laws. The intention of
the Seattle Police Department to strengthen enforcement in
response to the 1990 change in the pedestrian law gave
researchers a unique opportunity to study the results of
increased enforcement when combined with a publicity campaign.
The media campaign made the public aware of changes in the
law. In addition, Seattle newspapers asked people to provide
information on dangerous intersections. Responding to letters
from residents, the Engineering Department installed warning
signs and posters, posted signs on buses, and distributed
pamphlets and posters describing the new law, the increased law
enforcement, and the seriousness of the pedestrian-vehicle
collision problem.
Also in response to the 1990 change in the pedestrian law,
Seattle police changed their policy toward pedestrian violations.
Previously they had emphasized enforcement of jaywalking laws.
"The new policy," according to the authors, "encouraged traffic
officers to issue at least two citations to driver violators for
every ticket issued to a jaywalker." The result was an increase
in citations to motorists committing pedestrian law violations
and a decrease in jaywalking citations.
From 1990 to 1994, the Seattle Police Department carried out
four separate enforcement efforts. They shared five design
features:
- Officer presence in designated areas of the city
increased--with the goal of citing drivers who violated
the new pedestrian crosswalk law.
- Each campaign had a time line; time lines varied from
three weeks to more than a year.
- The Department identified "sentinel intersections"
within designated areas. For these intersections,
researchers measured compliance with the new pedestrian
law. Data on traffic volumes and posted speed limits
were also gathered for these intersections.
- Before increased enforcement began, researchers
collected baseline measures of motorist compliance with
the new pedestrian law at sentinel intersections.
- After enforcement efforts stopped, researchers gathered
data on compliance with the pedestrian law at these
same intersections.
DESIGN OF STUDY
Researchers chose crosswalks at uncontrolled intersections
as specific target locations for their study. Such crosswalks
were a focus of law enforcement efforts and provided sites where
researchers could easily measure motorist responses to
pedestrians before and after enforcement and publicity campaign
efforts. Moreover, of Washington's 1,900 pedestrian injuries in
1992, more than 800 happened at intersections.
Researchers carefully chose sentinel intersections and
controlled research conditions. Traffic engineers excluded
intersections with short sight distances. To alleviate
differences caused by variations in traffic volume near and
during weekends, researchers worked only on Tuesdays, Wednesdays,
and Thursdays. All counts were taken in clear weather and at the
same time of day.
To evaluate the success of increased enforcement efforts,
researchers observed the willingness of drivers to stop for
pedestrians in crosswalks before and after enforcement and
publicity campaigns. At sentinel crosswalks, a "mock" pedestrian
nearing and entering the crosswalk attempted to make eye contact
with approaching motorists. Another researcher, remaining out of
sight of motorists, tabulated the number of drivers who stopped
to allow the pedestrian to cross. Motorists approaching from the
pedestrian's left were counted until the pedestrian neared the
middle of the roadway. When the pedestrian approached the
midpoint of the roadway, the researcher recorded compliance for
motorists on the pedestrian's right. The compliance of the
former (motorists approaching on the left) was recorded as "near-
side compliance," while the compliance of the latter (approaching
on the right when the pedestrian was already in the middle of the
roadway) was recorded as "far-side compliance."
All mock pedestrians were white, male adults. This avoided
variability that might result from confronting motorists with
children, the disabled, women, joggers, older adults, or other
variations in pedestrians that might change how a motorist would
respond.
The study followed guidelines as to which motorists were
considered to have complied and which were not. The researchers
did not count those motorists who were judged to be too close to
the intersection to be expected to stop. Moreover, if a motorist
"slowed dramatically, sometimes to a crawl" and allowed the
pedestrian to cross, this was recorded as compliance--even when
the motorist never came to a complete stop.
The Seattle Police Department and the Harborview Injury
Prevention Research Center worked together to select target areas
of the city for this research. Crosswalk decisions involved city
traffic engineers with Harborview. Sentinel intersections had no
steep grades or curves that might affect reaction times. The
group of sentinel crosswalks included two-lane and four-lane
roadways with marked and unmarked crosswalks. Some midblock
crosswalks were also chosen. In all cases, crosswalks with heavy
traffic volumes were preferred.
RESULTS
The authors reported research results for each of the four
enforcement and publicity campaigns.
Campaign 1: Citywide Focus, Summer 1990 to Fall 1991
In this first campaign after passage of the new pedestrian
law, increased enforcement yielded 3,600 citations during more
than a year of emphasis on citywide publicity and enforcement.
Enforcement officers did not know which intersections were
specifically involved in the researchers' counts. The sentinel
crosswalks in these studies all had some type of pedestrian
advance warning for motorists: painted stripes, an overhead
beacon, or both.
Before-and-after counts showed that overall motorist
compliance with pedestrian laws did not change. The authors
concluded "that although enforcement and other public information
efforts may have increased the awareness of drivers about
pedestrian safety issues, there is no reason to believe that this
campaign improved the safety of people trying to cross the
street." Both before and after the campaign, 81 of 100 motorists
failed to stop for the mock pedestrian attempting to enter a
crosswalk.
Campaign 2: Neighborhood Focus, September 1992 to January 1993
Enforcement and publicity here focused on five city
neighborhoods, and twelve sentinel intersections were studied.
In this shorter campaign, law officers were again not aware of
the crosswalks being studied.
Results suggested that a limited campaign focusing on
specific neighborhoods might have more effect than a broad,
citywide campaign. Although this effort was of much shorter
duration that the first campaign, "modest improvements in
compliance were seen, especially in the near-side lanes of marked
crosswalks." Even after the campaign, drivers were nine times
more likely to stop for a pedestrian in the near side of a marked
crosswalk than for a pedestrian in the near side of an unmarked
crosswalk. Moreover, even after the campaign, "the majority of
vehicles were still not stopping for the pedestrian."
Campaign 3: Neighborhood Focus, July to October 1993
This short campaign again focused on twelve intersections in
five neighborhoods. In this effort, however, all sentinel
crosswalks were marked and only the compliance of near-side
motorists was recorded. Another difference was the availability
of citation data. This data allowed researchers to see that 90
percent of the citations originated from two of the five
neighborhoods. Therefore, results were measured only for the two
areas receiving significantly increased enforcement. Results
from the two areas differed.
The first area, a downtown business corridor with heavy
commuter traffic, actually showed a decrease in compliance after
the campaign. In this area of high traffic volumes and sporadic
pedestrian crossings, results suggested "that even intense
enforcement conducted in downtown commuter corridors may not
result in a safety benefit for the pedestrian." Enforcement
officers were not aware which crosswalk was identified for
before-and-after counts; but, as it turned out, none of the
citations issued in this area were issued at the sentinel
intersection.
By contrast, a significant increase in motorist compliance
with pedestrian laws occurred in the second neighborhood, an area
made up of multifamily housing units and small retail businesses.
While pedestrian traffic was heavy, vehicle volumes were less
than in the first area. The authors theorized law enforcement
reminders might be more effective where more people live or where
motorists more frequently encounter pedestrians. Moreover, 78
percent of the citations issued in this area were to motorists at
the sentinel intersection. Perhaps such concentrated enforcement
at one location, however unintentional, skewed the results.
Campaign 4: Intersection-Specific Enforcement, May to June 1994
For this campaign, enforcement officers knew the two
sentinel crosswalks. Both were on four-lane roadways with 30-
mile-per-hour speed limits. Both had painted crosswalks,
overhead flashing beacons, and advance pedestrian warning signs.
During the campaign, officers were to provide enforcement each of
the five weekdays throughout the highest traffic volumes.
Because officers were sometimes called away to other duties,
Intersection 1 motorists had more days with officers present and
received more enforcement. Surprisingly, however, results of
the before-and-after study showed Intersection 2 with more
increase in compliance. More surprisingly, Intersection 1 was
the same intersection that showed a dramatic increase in
compliance during Campaign 3 in Neighborhood 2. The authors
concluded:
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The contradictory results of Campaign 4 indicate that
success may vary markedly from intersection to intersection
and suggest that, despite heavy ticketing, other
environmental and perhaps behavioral factors are more
salient to drivers than enforcement concerns. . . . The
results also suggest that the threshold level of ticketing
necessary to achieve even transient changes in driver
behavior is quite high.
Limitations
While researchers attempted to control variables for this
study, they cautioned factors may have added to variability in
the results. Some of these factors included:
- The distance judged to be too little to reasonably
expect a motorist to stop for the pedestrian was based
on averages (e.g., average driver reaction time and
adequate brakes and tires) and assumed travel at the
posted speed limit on dry, flat pavement. Such
conditions did not, of course, always exist.
- Researchers made no actual counts of pedestrian volumes
at sentinel intersections.
- The study did not differentiate between compliance
rates for single vehicles and vehicles moving in
groups.
- Enforcement intensity and distribution varied.
- While posted speed limits only varied from 30 to 35
miles, actual speeds traveled varied considerably and
were not measured.
Conclusion
The research produced one overall conclusion:
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The authors have been unable to demonstrate that law
enforcement efforts directed at motorist violators of
crosswalk laws significantly or consistently increase
drivers' willingness to stop for pedestrians. It appears
that even with a high degree of commitment on the part of
law enforcement, the expectations from such programs should
remain modest.
Rather than let this conclusion discourage law enforcement
agencies from becoming involved in pedestrian safety programs,
the authors encouraged further research and continuing campaigns.
The goal is to learn what are the most effective ways of
increasing pedestrian safety through enforcement and publicity
campaigns.